Low Pay Commission Website
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Low Pay Commission
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Oxford House
76 Oxford Street
London
W1D 1BS


General enquiries:
020 7467 7207
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E-mail:
lpc@lowpay.gov.uk
 
 
 
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Chairman’s Foreword

The Commissioners

Executive Summary

Recommendations

List of Figures

List of Tables


1 Introduction

2 The Impact of the National Minimum Wage

3 The Effects of the National Minimum Wage on Specific Sectors and on Small Firms
Introduction
Overview
Small Firms
Retail
Hospitality
Cleaning
Security
Childcare
Social Care
Agriculture
Textiles, Clothing and Footwear
Hairdressing
Conclusion

4 Groups of Workers and Specific Enforcement Issues

5 Young People and Trainees


6 Compliance and Enforcement

7 Setting the Rates

Appendices

Abbreviations

Bibliography

 
 
National Minimum Wage
Low Pay Commission Report 2005
The Effects of the National Minimum Wage on Specific Sectors and on Small Firms


Agriculture

3.78 While we have seen stable or growing employment in many of the low-paying sectors since the minimum wage was introduced, the decline in employment in agriculture, which has been evident for many decades, has continued. As shown in Figure 3.23, there were 225,000 employee jobs in the sector in September 2004, a fall of 71,000 compared with September 1999. The position has, however, been more stable over the last two years. According to the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra, 2005b) there were 192,000 agricultural workers in the UK in June 2004 and the total labour force (including farmers, spouses, partners and directors) numbered 546,000.

Figure 3.23

Employee Jobs in the Agriculture Sector, Thousands, 1998-2004

C3.23-line

Source: ONS employee jobs series 1998-2004, GB.

3.79 The agricultural sector is unique in that statutory minimum rates for different categories of worker are set by the respective Agricultural Wages Boards (AWB) for England and Wales, Scotland, and Northern Ireland. These cannot be set below the National Minimum Wage. Adult rates apply from the age of 19 and the Boards also determine some other conditions of employment, such as overtime rates and sick pay. The National Minimum Wage has had a direct influence on the lowest agricultural minimum rates in England, Wales and Scotland, and in recent years they have been set at the same level. Accordingly, the Manual Harvest Worker rate used in England and Wales (which may be paid to those employed to undertake manual harvesting tasks only, for a maximum of 30 weeks per 12 month period) and the casual rate used in Scotland (which may be paid for the first ten weeks of employment only) rose to £4.85 for workers aged 19 and above in October 2004. However in Northern Ireland there is a single rate for all agricultural workers, which rose to £5.09 per hour in April 2004.

'Changes to the NMW have been the key driver of the wage rates set by the A gricultural Wages Board.'

National Farmers' Union evidence

3.80 The hourly earnings distribution (Figure 3.24) shows that a significant proportion of the agricultural workforce is paid at rates well above the National Minimum Wage (and the equivalent AWB rate). This reflects the range of higher statutory minimum rates in place within the agricultural sector, which must be paid to non-seasonal workers and to those with particular qualifications or experience. For example, in England and Wales the minimum rate in April 2004 for those not employed on a seasonal basis was £5.15 per hour (the Standard Worker rate) and the Craft Grade minimum rate was £6.02 per hour.

Figure 3.24

Hourly Earnings Distribution for Employees Aged 18 and Over in the Agriculture Sector, 2002-2004

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Source: ASHE, April 2002-2004 without supplementary information.

Notes:
1. NMW label shows the adult NMW rate in April of the given year.
2. Gross hourly earnings excluding overtime.

3.81 According to ASHE 2004a (not shown), only 6 per cent of agricultural workers earned at or below the adult rate of the National Minimum Wage in April 2004. However, it is possible that this April survey does not capture many of the casual or seasonal workers who are employed later in the year to cover the harvest period only. Defra (2005b) records that in June 2004 there were 69,000 seasonal or casual workers in agriculture (36 per cent of all workers) although this figure may again underestimate the total number of non-permanent workers employed over the course of a year.

3.82 The National Farmers' Union (NFU) told us that the significant increases in the lowest agricultural minimum rates, as a direct result of National Minimum Wage upratings, have had a considerable impact on those sectors where the labour requirement (and thus labour costs) is greatest and where the seasonal workforce is concentrated. This includes horticulture (for example fruit and vegetable picking) and general cropping. According to Defra (2005a) 58 per cent (26,000) of the total non-permanent workforce in England in June 2003 were concentrated in these two sectors. Seasonal and casual workers are most likely to be paid at an AWB rate equivalent to the National Minimum Wage and are thus directly affected by minimum wage upratings. Some are likely to be overseas workers, including those who have obtained a permit enabling them to work during the harvest period under the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Scheme. During a Commission visit to Cambridgeshire, we found that local farmers and suppliers were unable to recruit unskilled labour from the local area due to competition from other industries. As a result, a substantial proportion of the casual workforce originated from Eastern Europe, particularly Poland and Lithuania.

3.83 The agricultural sector, and in particular horticulture, also faces significant international competition, as well as pressure from major food retailers and caterers to reduce output prices. Our Cambridgeshire visit demonstrated that some farmers and suppliers had responded to this pressure by creating efficiencies through specialisation and large-scale production of fruit and vegetables. They had also invested in technology to improve the quality of produce and consistency of supply. The CBI's submission also commented that increased competition in horticulture had driven business to other parts of Europe with lower wage costs.

3.84 The NFU reported that the National Minimum Wage had driven increases in all of the AWB minimum rates in place in England and Wales, because of the focus on differentials during the Board's negotiations. Although there has been some compression at the lower end, the percentage differences between the Standard Worker and Craft and Appointment Grades, which have historically been in place, have been maintained. During our visit to Cambridgeshire, one of the farmers we spoke to identified as a serious deficiency the absence of a provision in the Agricultural Minimum Wage legislation to enable employers to reach fair piece rate agreements with their workers. It was suggested that farmers would welcome a change to the Agricultural Wages Act 1948 to mirror the new provisions on fair piece rates introduced under the National Minimum Wage legislation.

3.85 It is difficult to assess the impact of the National Minimum Wage within the agricultural sector. Employment has been falling since long before the introduction of the National Minimum Wage and we received conflicting evidence about whether the minimum wage had any contributory role in accelerating this decline. The vast majority of workers in the sector earn significantly more than the National Minimum Wage, indicating that its direct impact is small. But this direct impact is likely to fall disproportionately on certain sectors such as horticulture. The minimum wage also has a strong influence on the higher statutory minimum rates set by the Agricultural Wages Boards.

Textiles, Clothing and Footwear

3.86 The textiles, clothing and footwear industries continue to contract as a result of increasing competition from low-wage economies and the transfer of high volume manufacturing capacity offshore, a process that started well before the introduction of the minimum wage.

3.87 Low cost imports have resulted in continuing price deflation on the high street, with UK companies unable to remain competitive in traditional volume areas of the market. Many UK companies are now focusing on high value, niche markets. This decline in output is reflected in the sharp reduction in the number of employee jobs in the textiles, clothing and footwear sectors. As shown in Figure 3.25, the number of jobs stood at 140,000 in September 2004, down by over a half since the introduction of the minimum wage. Nearly 200,000 jobs have been lost in these three industries since March 1998. Even in the last two years the number of jobs has fallen by nearly a quarter. The reduction in the number of full-time employee jobs mirrors the general fall in jobs, while the number of part-time jobs also declined rapidly from March 1998 to March 2002, but has since remained steady.

'Some companies have sought to address the decline through new technology and changes in their customer base, but these measures take a number of years to come to fruition.'

British Apparel & Textile Confederation

Figure 3.25

Employee Jobs in the Textiles, Clothing and Footwear Sector, Thousands, 1998-2004

C3.25-line

Source: ONS employee jobs series, 1998-2004, GB.

3.88 The National Minimum Wage continues to have an important role in setting wage rates in the textiles, clothing and footwear sector. This is clearly evident in Figure 3.26, with the main spikes reflecting the adult minimum wage rates. According to ASHE 2004a (not shown), 5 per cent of the workforce in these sectors earned the adult rate of the minimum wage in April 2004. A further 7 per cent earned between the minimum wage and £4.85.

Figure 3.26

Hourly Earnings Distribution for Employees Aged 18 and Over in the Textiles, Clothing and Footwear Sector, 2002-2004

C3.26-Bar+line

Source: ASHE, April 2002-2004 without supplementary information.

Notes:
1. NMW label shows the adult NMW rate in April of the given year.
2. Gross hourly earnings excluding overtime.

3.89 The extent to which the minimum wage is accelerating the decline in the sector, if at all, is not known. The British Apparel & Textiles Confederation accepts that the main reason for decline lies elsewhere but considers that the minimum wage is a contributory factor. This view is supported by the CBI, which reports that the textiles industry has been significantly affected by the minimum wage, with companies finding it increasingly difficult to maintain margins due to increased cost pressures in the UK, combined with competition from abroad. However, this view is not shared by Community, the GMB or the TUC, all of whom regard globalisation as overwhelmingly responsible for the loss of jobs in the sector.

3.90 Written and oral evidence from employer and worker organisations describes companies making a variety of adjustments to address the decline in the sector and the impact of the minimum wage. These include the introduction of new technologies and changes in customer base that have led to improved productivity and efficiencies. Our own employers' survey found that textiles and clothing companies were the least likely to regard themselves as experiencing any benefit from the minimum wage.

3.91 Traditionally these sectors make particular use of incentive pay systems. In oral evidence, employers' representatives reported that recent increases in the minimum wage have had a negative impact on incentive pay systems, with a higher proportion of piece rate workers now being affected than when the minimum wage was first introduced. They argued this had reduced the incentive to be productive, with more capable workers unable to earn much more than those who are less efficient. However, workers' representatives and others took a different view and reported that many employers had successfully addressed this problem through multi-skilling frameworks which had reduced the number of low-skilled jobs.

3.92 Our overall assessment of the textiles, clothing and footwear sectors is that while the minimum wage clearly has an impact on some wage rates within these sectors, and may have played a subsidiary role in speeding employment decline, the dominant factor has been external competition. Competition from low-wage economies is likely to continue to reduce employment levels in this sector until a floor is reached, leaving a UK industry that is concentrated on high value, niche products, rather than on an ability to compete on labour costs.

 
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